Read It: Here's the Supreme Court's Basis for Overruling Roe and Casey

Contributing sentiments towards policy:

51% : in reliance on the availability of abortion in the event that contraception should fail" and that "[t]he ability of women to participate equally in the economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their reproductive lives."
47% : They note that attitudes about the pregnancy of unmarried women have changed drastically; that federal and state laws ban discrimination on the basis of pregnancy; that leave for pregnancy and childbirth are now guaranteed by law in many cases; that the costs of medical care associated with pregnancy are covered by insurance or government assistance; that States have increasingly adopted "safe haven" laws, which generally allow women to drop off babies anonymously; and that a woman who puts her newborn up for adoption today has little reason to fear that the baby will not find a suitable home.
46% : The Supreme Court's opinion released Friday is the culmination of decades of work by pro-life activists and comes amid an unprecedented level of hostility toward members of the high court who believed that the "right" to abortion created in Roe and revised in Casey was based on flawed legal reasoning.
46% : On the weak dissent to Friday's opinion:The dissent is very candid that it cannot show that a constitutional right to abortion has any foundation, let alone a "'deeply rooted'" one, "'in this Nation's history and tradition.'" Glucksberg, 521 U. S., at 721; see post, at 12-14 (joint opinion of BREYER, SOTOMAYOR, and KAGAN, JJ.).
45% : Even though the Constitution makes no mention of abortion, the Court held that it confers a broad right to obtain one.
44% : The right to abortion does not fall within this category.
44% : "The permissibility of abortion, and the limitations, upon it, are to be resolved like most important questions in our democracy: by citizens trying to persuade one another and then voting."
44% : Both sides make important policy arguments, but supporters of Roe and Casey must show that this Court has the authority to weigh those arguments and decide how abortion may be regulated in the States.
43% : On the unsupported assertion that women "need" abortion in order to participate in society:Defenders of Roe and Casey do not claim that any new scientific learning calls for a different answer to the underlying moral question, but they do contend that changes in society require the recognition of a constitutional right to obtain an abortion.
43% : Without the availability of abortion, they maintain, people will be inhibited from exercising their freedom to choose the types of relationships they desire, and women will be unable to compete with men in the workplace and in other endeavors.
42% : On the contrary, an unbroken tradition of prohibiting abortion on pain of criminal punishment persisted from the earliest days of the common law until 1973.
42% : Our Nation's historical understanding of ordered liberty does not prevent the people's elected representatives from deciding how abortion should be regulated.
41% : Roe's defenders characterize the abortion right as similar to the rights recognized in past decisions involving matters such as intimate sexual relations, contraception, and marriage, but abortion is fundamentally different, as both Roe and Casey acknowledged, because it destroys what those decisions called "fetal life" and what the law now before us describes as an "unborn human being."
39% : Members of this Court have repeatedly lamented that "no legal rule or doctrine is safe from ad hoc nullification by this Court when an occasion for its application arises in a case involving state regulation of abortion."
39% : It is time to heed the Constitution and return the issue of abortion to the people's elected representatives.
38% : The case made by Alito is strong, and it's a final recognition of the fact that the Court's creation of a right to abortion was bad law, upheld through flawed reasoning.
38% : But the three Justices who authored the controlling opinion "call[ed] the contending sides of a national controversy to end their national division" by treating the Court's decision as the final settlement of the question of the constitutional right to abortion.
38% : Americans who believe that abortion should be restricted press countervailing arguments about modern developments.
37% : Indeed, when the Fourteenth Amendment was adopted, three quarters of the States made abortion a crime at all stages of pregnancy.
35% : Debunking the idea that there's a constitutional right to abortion as the Court previously argued in Roe and Casey:The Constitution makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is implicitly protected by any constitutional provision, including the one on which the defenders of Roe and Casey now chiefly rely -- the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.
35% : Voters in other States may wish to impose tight restrictions based on their belief that abortion destroys an "unborn human being."
30% : It did not claim that American law or the common law had ever recognized such a right, and its survey of history ranged from the constitutionally irrelevant (e.g., its discussion of abortion in antiquity) to the plainly incorrect (e.g., its assertion that abortion was probably never a crime under the common law).
29% : On the place of abortion in America's history and traditions and why they don't support upholding Roe and Casey:The inescapable conclusion is that a right to abortion is not deeply rooted in the Nation's history and traditions.
29% : Nor does the dissent dispute the fact that abortion was illegal at common law at least after quickening; that the 19th century saw a trend toward criminalization of pre-quickening abortions; that by 1868, a supermajority of States (at least 26 of 37) had enacted statutes criminalizing abortion at all stages of pregnancy; that by the late 1950s at least 46 States prohibited abortion "however and whenever performed" except if necessary to save "the life of the mother," Roe, 410 U. S., at 139; and that when Roe was decided in 1973 similar statutes were still in effect in 30 States.
28% : Roe's reasoning quickly drew scathing scholarly criticism, even from supporters of broad access to abortion.
18% : The Court in Roe could have said of abortion exactly what Glucksberg said of assisted suicide: "Attitudes toward [abortion] have changed since Bracton, but our laws have consistently condemned, and continue to prohibit, [that practice]."

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