Supreme Court politics is an arms race

Contributing sentiments towards policy:

52% : Already on next term's docket are cases that could outlaw affirmative action, shrink the criteria for what qualifies as racial gerrymandering under the Voting Rights Act, vastly expand state legislatures' power to run elections, narrow the scope of the Clean Water Act, and allow some business owners to refuse to serve gay customers.
46% : From the court's persistent refusal to rule on the Second Amendment to John Roberts's evasions and chicanery to "victories" such as Masterpiece Cakeshop and Fulton v. Philadelphia that on closer inspection turned out to be so narrow as to be indistinguishable from defeats, and, of course, the perennial failures on abortion, conservatives felt as though they got the shaft time and again.
45% : In 2020, the Supreme Court was still rejecting relatively modest restrictions on abortion.
42% : Most galling of all, the court held in Bostock v. Clayton County that the Civil Rights Act's prohibition on sex discrimination applies to sexual orientation and gender identity.
42% : He also excoriated West Virginia v. EPA, the ruling that curtailed that body's ability to curb carbon emissions from power plants, for violating the four pillars of conservative jurisprudence: "originalism, textualism, traditionalism and judicial restraint."
41% : But there is already a growing recognition that the quest to restore a federal constitutional right to abortion may have to be a years- or even decadeslong one, just like the mission to eliminate it.
39% : For starters, using the 14th Amendment to ban abortion nationwide and "bolstering America's traditional ecumenical Christianity once and for all."To stifle this "conservative revolution," progressives have little recourse.
38% : Two years later, the right to abortion itself is no more.

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